00100			 THE PARANOID MODE
00200	 The Concept of Paranoia
00300		Like  ourselves,  the  ancient  Greeks  called  one   another
00400	paranoid.  The  term  `paranoia'  (Gr:  para=beside;  nous  =  mind)
00500	referred to states of craziness and mental deterioration. For roughly
00600	the next two thousand years the term disappeared from classifications
00700	of mental disorders.  Historians have not seemed curious  about  what
00800	persons  with persecutory delusions were called all that time. (It is
00900	doubtful that there weren't  any.)  In  the  18th  century  the  term
01000	reappears  in  German  classifications  to refer to delusional states
01100	categorized as disorders of intellect rather  than  emotion.  (Lewis,
01200	1970).
01300		Little agreement about the meaning of the term "paranoia" was
01400	reached  until  this  half of the present century, when it achieved a
01500	solid adjectival status, as in "paranoid personality"  and  "paranoid
01600	state".      At  present the category "paranoid" has high reliability
01700	(85-95% interjudge agreement). The term is generally used to refer to
01800	the  presence  of  persecutory  delusions.  To distinguish:  somatic,
01900	erotic, grandeur and jealousy delusions are simply identified as such
02000	without characterizing them as paranoid.
02100		To  introduce  what  being  paranoid  is  like,  let us first
02200	consider two modes of human activity, one termed "ordinary"  and  the
02300	other termed "paranoid".
02400		In the ordinary mode of human action a person goes about  his
02500	business  of everyday living in a matter-of-fact way.   He deals with
02600	recurrent and routine situations in his environment  as  they  arise,
02700	taking things at their face value.  Events proceed in accordance with
02800	his beliefs and expectations and thus can be managed routinely.  Only
02900	a  small  amount  of  attention  need  be  devoted  to monitoring the
03000	environment , simply checking that everthing is as expected.     This
03100	placid ongoing flow of events can be interrupted by the the detection
03200	of signs of alarm or opportunity at any  time.  But  the  predominant
03300	condition  is one of a steady progression of events so ordinary as to
03400	be uneventful.
03500		In contrast to this routine ordinariness is the arousal state
03600	of emergency termed the "paranoid mode", characterized by a continous
03700	wary suspiciousness.  To appreciate the nature and problems  of  this
03800	state,  imagine the situation of a spy in a hostile country.  To him,
03900	everyone he meets is a potential enemy, a  threat  to  existence  who
04000	must   be   evaluated  for  malevolence.    To  survive  he  must  be
04100	hypervigilant and fully mobilized to attack, to flee, to stalk.    In
04200	this  situation  appearances  are  not  to  be taken at face value as
04300	ordinary events or routine background but each must  be  attended  to
04400	and  interpreted  in  order  to  detect malevolence.    Events in the
04500	environment, which in the ordinary mode would not be connected to the
04600	self,  become  referred  to  the  self and interpreted as potentially
04700	menacing.     The  unintended  effects  of  other  persons   may   be
04800	misinterpreted  as  intended  and  the  undesigned  tends  to  become
04900	confused  with  the  designed.     Nothing  can  be  allowed  to   be
05000	unattendable.    The  dominant  intention  of  the agent is to detect
05100	malevolence from others.
05200	
05300		When  dividing  the  world  of  experience  into   conceptual
05400	classes,  we  sort and group together objects and events according to
05500	common properties.  The members of a class resemble  one  another  in
05600	sharing certain properties.    The resemblances are neither exact nor
05700	total; members of a conceptual class  are  considered  more  or  less
05800	alike  and  there  exist degrees of resemblance.  Further, humans are
05900	neither subjective nor objective; they are projective.     In forming
06000	classifications, they project their intentions onto the world.   Thus
06100	the world of experience consists both of  our  interactive  relations
06200	and the objects to which we relate depending on our interests.
06300		Observations and classifications made by clinicians regarding
06400	naturally-occurring paranoid disorders have been thoroughly described
06500	in the psychiatric literature.   Extensive accounts can be  found  in
06600	Swanson,  Bohnert  and Smith (1970) and in Cameron (1967).    I shall
06700	attempt to give a condensed description of paranoid phenomena as they
06800	appear  in, or are described by, patients in a psychiatric interview.
06900	It is many of these phenomena which  the  proposed  simulation  model
07000	attempts to explain.
07100	
07200		The  main  phenomena  of paranoid disorders can be summarized
07300	under concepts of suspiciousness,  self-reference,  hypersensitivity,
07400	fearfulness , hostility and rigidity.  These class-concepts represent
07500	common empirical indicators of the paranoid mode.
07600	
07700	Suspiciousness
07800		The  chief  characteristic  of  clinical  paranoid  disorders
07900	consists of  suspiciousness,  a  mistrust  of  others  based  on  the
08000	patient's  malevolence  beliefs.         The patient believes others,
08100	known  and  unknown,  have  evil  intentions  towards  him.   In  his
08200	relationships  he  is  continously  on  the  look-out  for  signs  of
08300	malevolence, some of which he infers from  the  results  of  his  own
08400	probings.  He is hypervigilant; people must be watched, their schemes
08500	unmasked and foiled.   He  is  convinced  others  try  to  humiliate,
08600	harass,  subjugate, injure, and even kill him. In an interview he may
08700	report such beliefs directly or ,if he  is  well-guarded,  he  offers
08800	only  hints.   He does not confide easily. Disclosure may depend upon
08900	how the interviewer responds in the dialogue to the patient's reports
09000	of fluctuating suspicions and/or absolute convictions.
09100		He is greatly concerned with "evidence". No room  is  allowed
09200	for  mistakes,  ambiguities  or chance happenings.  "Paranoids have a
09300	greater passion for the truth than other madmen."  -(Saul  Bellow  in
09400	Sammler's  Planet).  Using trivial evidential details, his inferences
09500	leap from the undeniable to the unbelievable.
09600		The  patient  may vary in his own estimate of the strength of
09700	his malevolence beliefs. If they consist of  weakly-held  suspicions,
09800	he  may  have  moments of reasoning with himself in which he tries to
09900	reject them as ill-founded.  But when the beliefs represent  absolute
10000	convictions,  he  does  not  struggle to dismiss them.    They become
10100	pre-conditions for countering actions against tormentors who wish and
10200	try  to  do  him evil.  He seeks affirmation of his beliefs.  ("It is
10300	certain that my conviction increases the  moment  another  soul  will
10400	believe  in  it."  Joseph Conrad in Lord Jim.). He wants sympathy and
10500	allies in positions of power such as clinicians or  lawyers  who  can
10600	help him take action against his oppressors.
10700		The malevolence beliefs may involve a specific  other  person
10800	or  a  conspiracy  of  others such as the Mafia, the FBI, Communists,
10900	Hell's Angels.  The patient sees himself as a victim ,one who suffers
11000	at  the  hands  of  others  rather  than  as  an agent who brings the
11100	suffering on himself.  Other agents subject him to, and make him  the
11200	object  of,  their  evil intentions. He dwells on and rehearses these
11300	outrages in his imagination.  He schemes  to  defeat  or  escape  his
11400	adversaries.   The  misdeeds  of  others  are  denounced, disparaged,
11500	condemned and belittled. He feels interfered with  and  discriminated
11600	against.
11700		The specific content of  the  beliefs  may  not  be  directly
11800	expressed in a first interview.     The patient may be so mistrustful
11900	of how their disclosure might be used against him that he  cautiously
12000	feels  his  way  through  an  interview  offering only hints which an
12100	interviewer can use to infer the presence of persecutory delusions.
12200	
12300		Using  his  own  credibility  judgements,   the   interviewer
12400	attempts  to  determine whether the patient's malevolence beliefs are
12500	delusions (false beliefs) or not. Experienced clinicians realize that
12600	some  malevolence  beliefs  can  turn  out  to  be  true.  Others may
12700	represent correct  estimations  on  the  part  of  the  patient  who,
12800	however,  fails  to see that the malevolence of others is a secondary
12900	consequence of his tendency to accuse and provoke others to the point
13000	where they in fact become hostile towards him.
13100	
13200	
13300	Self-Reference and Hypersensitivity
13400	
13500	
13600		The  patient  may  believe  many  events in the world pertain
13700	directly to  hims.    Other  observers  of  his  situation  find  his
13800	conviction  hard  to  accept.   For example, he may be convinced that
13900	newspaper headlines refer to him personally or that the statements of
14000	radio  announcers contain special messages for him. Hypervigilant and
14100	hypersensitive, he hypersensitively  reads  himself  into  situations
14200	which  are not actually intended to pertain to him and his particular
14300	concerns.
14400	
14500		References to the self  are  misconstrued  as  slurs,  snubs,
14600	slights  or  unfair  judgements.  He may feel he is being watched and
14700	stared at.  He is excessively concerned about his visibility to  eyes
14800	which  threaten  to  see  concealed  inadequacies, expose and censure
14900	them. Cameras, telescopes ,etc.    which  may  be  directed  his  way
15000	unnerve him. He may feel mysteriously influenced through electricity,
15100	radio  waves,  or  (more  contemporaneously)   by   emanations   from
15200	computers.     He  is  hypersensitive to criticism.      In crowds he
15300	believes he is intentionally bumped. Driving on the highway he  feels
15400	repeatedly  followed  too-closely  by  the car behind.   Badgered and
15500	bombarded without relief by  this  stream  of  wrongs  ,  he  becomes
15600	hyper-irritable, querulous and quarrelsome.
15700		He is touchy about certain topics, flaring up when references
15800	to  particular conceptual domains appear in the conversation.     For
15900	example, any remarks about his age, religion, family, or sexlife  may
16000	set  him  off.     Even  when  these domains are touched upon without
16100	reference to  him,  e.g.    religion  in  general,  he  may  take  it
16200	personally.    When a delusional complex is present, linguistic terms
16300	far removed from, but still conceptually connectable to, the  complex
16400	stir  him up. Thus, to a man holding beliefs that the Mafia intend to
16500	harm him, any remark about  Italy  might  lead  him  to  react  in  a
16600	suspicious or fearful manner.
16700	
16800	Affect-States
16900	
17000		The  major  affects expressed, both verbally and nonverbally,
17100	are those of fear, anger and mistrust. The patient fears that  others
17200	wish  to  subjugate  and  control  him. He may be fearful of physical
17300	attack and injury even to the point of death. His fear  is  justified
17400	in  his  mind by the many threats he detects in the conduct of others
17500	towards him.   He is hostile to what are interpreted as  insinuations
17600	or  demeaning  allusions. His chronic irritability becomes punctuated
17700	with outbursts of raging tirades and diatribes.  When he feels he  is
17800	being  overwhelmed, he may erupt and in desperation physically attack
17900	others.
18000		The  affects of fear, anger and mistrust he experiences blend
18100	with one another  in  varying  proportions  to  yield  an  unpleasant
18200	negative  affect  state  made  continuous by fantasied rehearsals and
18300	retellings of past wrongs.      Depending on  his  interpretation  of
18400	inputs,  the  patient  may  move away from others and become guarded,
18500	secretive and evasive.  Or  he  may  suddenly  jump  at  others  with
18600	sarcastic  accusations  and  arguments.    His negative affect-states
18700	become locked into self-perpetuating cycles with other people in  his
18800	life  space  who may take censoring action towards him because of his
18900	uncommunicativeness or outbursts.
19000	
19100	
19200	Rigidity
19300	
19400		Another  salient  characteristic  of  the  paranoid  mode  is
19500	excessive rigidity.   The patient's beliefs in  his  sensitive  areas
19600	remain  fixed,  difficult to influence by evidence or persuasion. The
19700	patient himself makes few attempts to falsify his convictions.     To
19800	change  a  belief is to admit being wrong.     To forgive others also
19900	opens a crack in the wall of righteousness.    He does not  apologize
20000	nor  accept  apology.   He stubbornly follows rules to the letter and
20100	his literal interpretations  of  an  organization's  regulations  can
20200	drive  others  wild.     It is this insistent posture of rigidity and
20300	inflexibility which makes the  treatment  of  paranoid  processes  by
20400	symbolic-semantic  methods  so  difficult.  The patient clings to his
20500	overvalued   convictions   in   spite   of   all    the    "rational"
20600	counter-evidence offered.
20700	
20800	Other Descriptions of Naturally Occurring Paranoias
20900		Historians,   biographers,   playwrights,    novelists    and
21000	journalists   have   contributed  naturalistic  descriptions  of  the
21100	paranoid mode. Hofstader, a political historian, observed in an essay
21200	on the paranoid style in American politics.( Hofstader, 1965):
21300		"It is, above all, a way of seeing the world and of
21400		expressing oneself...the feeling of persecution is
21500		central and is indeed systematized in grandiose theories
21600		of conspiracy...
21700	
21800		While any system of beliefs can be expressed in the
21900		paranoid style, there are certain beliefs which seem
22000		to  be  espoused  almost  entirely  this  way." These beliefs
22100	commonly refer to vast invisible conspiratorial networks.
22200		"But there is a vital difference between the paranoid
22300		spokesman in politics and the clinical paranoiac; although
22400		they both tend to be overheated, overaggressive, grandiose,
22500		and apocalyptic in expression, the clinical paranoid sees the
22600		hostile and conspiratorial world in which he feels himself
22700		to be living as directed specifically AGAINST HIM; whereas
22800		the spokesman of the paranoid style finds it directed
22900		against a nation, a culture, a way of life whose fate
23000		affects  not  himself  alone  but  millions of others." Clear
23100	examples  are  the  beliefs  of  anti-fluoridationists  and   extreme
23200	right-wing  beliefs  about a sustained, sinister, gigantic and subtle
23300	Communist conspiracy  which  must  be  defeated,  not  by  the  usual
23400	politics,  but by an all-out crusade which is forever faced with time
23500	running out.
23600		"The enemy is clearly delineated: he is a perfect model
23700		of malice, a kind of amoral superman: sinister, ubiquitous,
23800		powerful, cruel, sensual, luxury-loving."
23900		As have other chroniclers of  the  paranoid  mode,  Hofstader
24000	noted  the  paranoid paradox of imitating the enemy. The Ku Klux Klan
24100	imitates Catholoicism's priestly vestments and elaborate rituals. The
24200	John   Birch  Society  emulates  Communist  cells  and  front-groups.
24300	Anti-intellectual paranoid critics and  investigators  present  their
24400	"evidence"  in  overwhelming  detail,  a  caricature  of pedantry and
24500	scholarship.
24600		"The very character of its conclusions leads to heroic
24700		strivings for `evidence' to prove that the unbelievable
24800		is the only thing that can be believed...the paranoid
24900		mentality is far more coherent than the real world since
25000		it leaves no room for mistakes, failures, or ambiguities...
25100		(the paranoid) has no sense of how things do not happen."
25200		Biographers  of Corvo provide us with fascinating accounts of
25300	a paranoid personality. Corvo, whose real name was Frederick  William
25400	Rolfe  (1860-1913),  was  an  Englishman who styled himself as "Baron
25500	Corvo" and signed himself as "Fr." hoping  it  would  be  misread  as
25600	"Father".  At twenty-six he converted to Catholicism and attempted to
25700	become a priest.  He was expelled from Scots College at Rome as being
25800	unsuitable for the priesthood. Beginning as a dabbler and painter, he
25900	developed himself into a minor writer little recognized while he  was
26000	alive.  He  has  now  become  something of a curiosity in the English
26100	literary world.  Pamela Hansford Johnson wrote a novel about him (The
26200	Unspeakable Skipton,1959).  The term "corvine" now has the additional
26300	sense of referring  to  Corvo's  style.    His  best  known  work,  a
26400	schoolboyish  novel  called Hadrian the Seventh, has been made into a
26500	popular play.  Descriptions of Corvo by his friends, benefactors  and
26600	himself offer a museum of paranoid psychopathology.
26700		He contrived a florid medievalist writing style characterized
26800	by  sinuous  sentences affecting archaic, ecclesiastical, neologistic
26900	words at times so absurd as to be comical. A benefactor wrote:
27000		"Rolfe had literally not another thing in the world
27100		to do but impress his so carefully cultivated personality
27200		on people and bully them into supporting him; his work was
27300		done only for the sake of his own self; the desire to make
27400		a figure in the world was always with him." (Dawkins,
27500		quoted by Weeks, 1971). Although he had  never  been  to  the
27600	university, Rolfe acquired an Oxford accent and scholarly manner.  He
27700	pretended his family was important and hinted that the Kaiser was his
27800	godfather.  He wore a heavy, self-designed silver ring with a spur to
27900	protect himself from kidnapping attempts by Jesuits. People described
28000	him  as  a  poseur  of  colossal intellectual vanity who "saw himself
28100	doing picturesque things in a picturesque way" and who "contrived  to
28200	give an air of queerness to ordinary actions". (Symons,1955).
28300		Rolfe said of himself:  "I  bathe  in  a  row...A  friend  is
28400	necessary,  one  friend  -  but  an enemy is more necessary. An enemy
28500	keeps one alert." He believed he had powerful enemies  who  conspired
28600	against  him.   In  particular,  Catholics were in league against him
28700	inspiring machinations and subtle plots. A close friend and co-author
28800	stated:
28900		"It is an absolute delusion that anyone keeps a watch on him
29000		or hinders him. Really, in Catholic eyes, he is practically
29100		non-existent." (Benson, quoted in Symons,1971).
29200	
29300		In his writings, Rolfe sought retribution  against  Catholics
29400	and  others  he  harbored  grudges  against.  The hero of Hadrian the
29500	Seventh,  George  Rose,  obviously  Rolfe  himself  in  a  wished-for
29600	personal  odyssey,  is elevated from ordinary English citizen to Pope
29700	in one day! Throughout the book a cast of people  from  Rolfe's  life
29800	are pilloried and gibetted.
29900	
30000		"I tell you what I am about to tell you, not because I have
30100		been provoked, abused, calumniated, traduced, assailed with
30200		insinuation, innuendo, misrepresentation, lies: not because
30300		my life has been held up to ridicule, and to most inferior
30400		contempt: not because the most preposterous stories to my
30500		detriment have been invented, hawked about, believed...
30600		Officially I must correct error."(Hadrian the Seventh).
30700		Always utterly right, he spewed out calligraphic  letters  of
30800	hate.    To  benefactors  who had let him down his letters were acid,
30900	scathing, sneering, blasting, deriding, jarring,  jeering,  abusively
31000	venomous.    He  was a "jaundiced, bitter, persecuted pariah" with an
31100	"everlasting  look  of  suspicion  in   his   narrow   but   piercing
31200	eyes."(Weeks,1971).   If his books were not successful, it was due to
31300	the malignant spite of his foes or the perfidy of friends.
31400		"When payments ceased, largely for the reason that the
31500		expected royalties did not accrue, Rolfe sought an
31600		explanation  of  the fact (which could not be denied) in some
31700	human agency; and soon found one." (Symons, l955).
31800	
31900		"Rolfe was never a person to let matters rest unexplained.
32000		Their causes and effects had to be known."(Weeks, 1971).
32100		In  his  last  few   years   this   sponging,   unscrupulous,
32200	flambouyant,  eccentric  personality,  full of extravagant quirks and
32300	bizarre kinks,  became  a  scandalous  (homosexual)  character  about
32400	Venice.  After a life of straining for flourish, he died abruptly and
32500	without panache of a heart attack before going to  bed  and  was  not
32600	found until the next afternoon.
32700		Ernest Hemingway (1899-1961), a  writer  of  greater  stature
32800	than  Rolfe,  found  himself  gripped in a paranoid mode in his later
32900	years.  Faced with waning powers, losses of property and friends,  he
33000	became  frightened,  petulant,  and  suspicious. He believed he had a
33100	fatal disease.   He  burst  out  in  long  smoldering  grudges.   His
33200	bewildered friends could not understand why they were considered part
33300	of a conspiracy to betray him. He felt Federal agents  were  pursuing
33400	him  for cheating on his income tax and for impairing the morals of a
33500	minor. To his friend and associate, Hotchner, he erupted:
33600		"It's the worst hell. The goddamnedest hell. They've bugged
33700		everything. That's why we're using Duke's car. Mine's bugged.
33800		Everything's bugged. Can't use the phone. What put me on to 	
33900	it was that phone call with you.  You remember we got 	disconnected?
34000	That tipped their hand." (Hotchner, l966).
34100		In a restaurant he believed two  men  at  the  bar  were  FBI
34200	agents.  When  told  they  were  salesmen  who  came there regularly,
34300	Hemingway retorted:
34400		"Of course they're salesmen. The FBI is noted for its clumsy
34500		disguises. What do you think they'd pose as - concert
34600		violinists?".   (Hotchner,  l966).  In his final days he even
34700	turned on Hotchner:
34800		"You've been pumping me and getting the gen, but you're like
34900		Vernon Lord and all the rest, turning state's evidence, 	
35000	selling out to them." (Hotchner,1966).
35100		Once in less tortured times, in answer to  a  question  about
35200	death,  Hemingway  replied: "death is just another whore." Beset with
35300	accelerating anxieties and ineradicable convictions of  betrayal,  he
35400	solicited her first, firing a shotgun into his mouth.
35500		A contemporary account of the paranoid mode is  presented  by
35600	Nagler  in  his  biography  of  the  prizefighter  Joe  Louis, former
35700	heavyweight champion of the world.(Nagler,1972). Since 1967  when  he
35800	was  53,  Louis  has  believed that members of the Mafia are pursuing
35900	him, determined to destroy him by poison gas. Particularly at  night,
36000	he suffers outbreaks of suspicion, anxiety, and rage.
36100		"Whenever they stayed in a hotel with air-conditioning
36200		Louis would attempt to paste newspapers over the vents
36300		in his room." He believes there exists a plot to involve  him
36400	in the making of pornographic films with a woman other than his wife.
36500	Seeking aid from his biographer, he said:
36600		"You got to tell the whole story. She's in on it. What they
36700		tried to do was get moving pictures of me in bed with her.
36800		She had this chauffeur, and he was helping her. They
36900		were with the Mafia; and when I found out they started
37000		trying to kill me. That's why they kept pumping that
37100		gas in on me."
37200		These  natural  history  descriptions  of naturally-occurring
37300	paranoia by a variety of nonclinical writers add to our knowledge  of
37400	the  observable  phenomena.  For a deeper understanding of what might
37500	underlie the phenomena , we must turn  to  explanatory  theories  and
37600	models.
37700	
37800			THEORIES OF PARANOIA
37900	
38000		Attempts  to  explain paranoid disorders have been made since
38100	antiquity.     None of these verbally-stated formulations has won the
38200	consensus which typifies scientific theories, since they were neither
38300	systematic nor testable.
38400		Science   represents   a   search  for  consensus  knowledge,
38500	judgments about which agreement can be obtained. (See  Ziman,  1968).
38600	For  a theory to gain scientific consensus, it must meet requirements
38700	of systemicity and testability.
38800		For a theory to be systematic, its hypotheses must cohere and
38900	not be isolated. They must connect with one another  and  collaborate
39000	in  a consistent way. Each hypothesis stands as an initial assumption
39100	or as a  consequence  of  one  or  more  initial  assumptions.    The
39200	consequence  relation  can  be one of logical or empirical entailment
39300	but the system of hypotheses, to be consistent,  should  not  contain
39400	contradictions.
39500		For a  theory  to  be  testable,  it  must  be  sensitive  to
39600	empirical  data  which  can strengthen or weaken its acceptability as
39700	true or authentic. Each hypothesis in the theory need not be directly
39800	or  independently  testable.      But the theory, as a conjunction of
39900	hypotheses, must be brought into contact with data of observation, if
40000	not directly, then indirectly, through a translation process in which
40100	a consequence of  the  theory  can  be  compared  with  observational
40200	evidence.
40300		Previous theories of  paranoia  can  be  criticized  for  not
40400	satisfying these requirements of systemicity and testability.    When
40500	theories are presented in literary form it is difficult to know  what
40600	such  formulations  imply or whether the implications are consistent.
40700	Since natural language is vague and  ambiguous,  prose  theories  are
40800	difficult  to  analyze.   For  example,  we  cannot  tell  (1) if the
40900	assumptions are independent or redundant, (2) if each  assumption  is
41000	needed  or the assumption set is complete or incomplete, and (3) what
41100	is the logical status of the  assumptions  -  are  they  tautologies,
41200	definitions,  typologies  or  empirical statements?   Thories cast in
41300	prose essays are too inexplicit to tell us what we are supposed to do
41400	in order to believe the world behaves as their authors have conceived
41500	it.    If a formulation is  untestable,  the  issues  it  raises  are
41600	undecidable  and unsettleable; thus the necessary consensus cannot be
41700	reached.
41800	
41900		Theories stem from two sources: (1) from hypotheses suggested
42000	by  new  descriptions or revisualizations of the phenomena themselves
42100	and (2) from modifications of a legacy of previous  theories  serving
42200	as  the  bequeathed  myths of the field.  Each generation attempts to
42300	formulate new explanatory theories by discovering new phenomena or by
42400	modifying  predecessor theories.  The old theories are unsatisfactory
42500	or only partially satisfactory because  they  are  found  to  contain
42600	anomalies or contradictions which must be removed. Sometimes previous
42700	theories  are  viewed  as  lacking  evidential  support  by   current
42800	standards.  New versions of a theory try to remove the contradictions
42900	and increase comprehensiveness by explaining more phenomena.  Indeed,
43000	theories are mainly superseded rather than disproved.
43100		Theories have many functions.   They  can  be  summarized  as
43200	follows (Bunge, 1967):
43300		(1)To systematize knowledge.
43400		(2)To explain facts by showing how they are the entailed
43500			consequences of the systematizing hypotheses.
43600		(3)To increase knowledge by deriving new facts.
43700		(4)To enhance the testability of hypotheses by connecting
43800			them to observations.
43900		(5)To guide research by:
44000			(a) posing fruitful problems.
44100			(b) suggesting new data to gather.
44200			(c) opening new lines of investigation.
44300		(6)To map a portion of reality.
44400		It  would be excessive to demand that a single theory fulfill
44500	all these functions.  In  the  pre-consensus  states  of  undeveloped
44600	fields  we  should be happy in achieving even one of them. Models, as
44700	well as theories, can be  assigned  these  functions  when  they  are
44800	theoretical  in  type.   Our model was constructed primarily to serve
44900	functions (2) and (4), offering a testable explanation.
45000		Again,  theories offered as scientific explanations should be
45100	(a) systematic	(i.e.            coherent  and  consistent)  and  (b)
45200	empirically  testable.    Prior  formulations about the paranoid mode
45300	have not met these criteria and thus are deservedly  bygone  notions.
45400	For  example,  to  account for paranoid processes by hypothesizing an
45500	imbalance  of  intellect  and  affect  is  so  vague  and  global   a
45600	formulation as not to merit explanatory status.
45700		For  an  explanation  to achieve consensus, it must be of the
45800	right type, systematic, and testable. To meet these criteria, I shall
45900	propose  a  postulated  structure  of  symbol-manipulating processes,
46000	strategies, functions or procedures which is capable of producing the
46100	observable regularities of the paranoid mode.
46600		In psychiatry it is still useful to view  some  things  which
46700	happen  to  a man in causal mechanical terms. But a man is not only a
46800	passive recipient, subject to Newtons's laws. He is  also  an  active
46900	agent,  a  language  user  who  thereby  can monitor himself, control
47000	himself, direct himself, and emancipate himself while commenting upon
47100	and  criticizing  these performances. Modern psychiatric theory based
47200	on information-processing principles, views man as an agent  as  well
47300	as  recipient.   It must therefore come to grips with those enigmatic
47400	cases in which what causally happens to a man can be a consequence of
47500	his unrecognized reasons.
47600		Let  us  consider  some  explanations  for  the paranoid mode
47700	beginning with Freud  in  the  late  19th  century.  (Historians  can
47800	certainly  find  concepts  of  intentions, affects and beliefs as far
47900	back as Aristotle, who seldom quoted his sources. "It's all been said
48000	before  but  you have to say it again because nobody listens"- Gide).
48100	To explain persecutory paranoia, Freud postulated defense  mechanisms
48200	of repression and projection (Freud, 1896).  He assumed the patient's
48300	believed persecution by others represented intolerable  (  and  hence
48400	repressed   and   projected)  self-reproaches  for  childhood  sexual
48500	experiences.   Today hardly anyone finds this explanation acceptable.
48600	Although  the  formulation has withered , the concepts of defense and
48700	projection have weathered.
48800		Sometime during Freud's friendship with  Fliess  (1897-1902),
48900	the  latter  proposed  to  Freud that paranoia arose from unconscious
49000	homosexual conflict (Jones,1955).  For years Freud was  silent  about
49100	this  notion  in  his  discussions  of paranoia. Then in 1911, in his
49200	notes on the Schreber case, he developed the  Fliess  formulation  in
49300	terms of transformations being applied to the basic proposition `I (a
49400	man) love him.' He postulated this proposition to be  so  intolerable
49500	as  not  to  be  admitted to consciousness and therefore subjected to
49600	unconscious transformations, first into `I do not love  him,  I  hate
49700	him'  which  in  turn  was  transformed into the conscious belief `He
49800	hates me' with the accompanying conclusion `Therefore I am  justified
49900	in hating him'.(Freud,1911).  
50000		Great  difficulty  has  been  encountered  in   testing   the
50100	formulation  since  there  is no agreed-upon method for detecting the
50200	presence  of   unconscious   homosexual   conflict.    Further,   the
50300	explanation  is  inconsistent  with another psychoanalytic tenet that
50400	everyone harbors unconscious homosexual conflicts.  But not  everyone
50500	becomes  paranoid.   To reconcile the inconsistency one would have to
50600	postulate some additional, possibly quantitative factors, to  explain
50700	the  intensity  and extent of the paranoid mode in certain people.  A
50800	final difficulty with the formulation has been the fact that  overtly
50900	homosexual  people  can  be  paranoid,  requiring  in  such  cases  a
51000	postulate of some other type of underlying conflict.
51100		Because of inconsistencies and  difficulty  in  testing,  the
51200	homosexual-conflict  explanation has not achieved consensus.   But as
51300	will be discussed, it may represent a special case in a more  general
51400	theory  which  postulates  self-censuring  and  the  forestalling  of
51500	humiliation to have central functions in the paranoid  mode.  Freud's
51600	later  attempts  at  the  explanation of paranoia assumed simply that
51700	love was transformed into hate (Freud,1923).    This  notion  is  too
51800	incomplete  and  unspecific a formulation to qualify as an acceptable
51900	scientific  explanation.  Contemporary  requirements  demand  a  more
52000	complex  and  precisely  defined organization of functions to account
52100	for such a transformation.
52200		Likewise Cameron's explanation of  paranoia  as  representing
52300	"projected  hostilty"  (Cameron,1967)  represents  a single, isolated
52400	hypothesis.  An isolated tendency  statement  says  little.  What  is
52500	needed  is  a  system  of tendency statements sufficiently complex to
52600	account for a variety of paranoid phenomena.
52700		Tomkins      (Tomkins,1963)      offered     an   interesting
52800	information-processing  theory  of  the   paranoid   posture.It   was
52900	articulated  in  terms  of defensive strategies, transformations ,and
53000	maximizing-minimizing principles. He viewed the paranoid `posture' or
53100	mode  as  an  attempt  to  cope with humiliation.  He proposed that a
53200	person whose information processing is monopolized  by  the  paranoid
53300	mode  is  in a permanent state of vigilance, in order to maximize the
53400	detection of insult and to minimize humiliation. To quote Tomkins:
53500		"The major source of distortion in his interpretation is
53600		 in his insistence on processing all information as though 
53700		 it were relevant only to the possibility of humiliation."
53800		Swanson, Bohnert and Smith  (1970),  in  their  monograph  on
53900	paranoia,  proposed  how  a "homeostatic" individual might attempt to
54000	deal with "bewildering  perceptions".       They  postulated  that  a
54100	person  in  homeostatic  equilibrium  perceives a pronounced inner or
54200	outer change which is inexplicable or unacceptable.    The  resultant
54300	disequilibrium   is   so   bewildering   that  in  order  to  restore
54400	equilibrium, the  person  constructs  a  paranoid  explanation  which
54500	attributes  the  cause  of  the change, not to an internal, but to an
54600	external  source.   With  the  cause  of  the  change  identified   ,
54700	bewilderment is abolished and uncertainty reduced.
54800		Aspects  of  this   formulation   suggest   symbol-processing
54900	strategies  typical of cases of paranoid thinking associated with the
55000	unusual experience of changes resulting from organic brain damage  or
55100	amphetamine psychosis. These are conditions which mechanically happen
55200	to a man.  In paranoid states, reactions or  personalities  where  no
55300	pronounced  physical  change  can  be  identified ,the formulation is
55400	insufficient and must be filled out with more  complex  and  specific
55500	processes.
55600		In sum, the formulations of paranoia reviewed have not gained
55700	widespread acceptance because of various weaknesses and  limitations.
55800	Currently  there  exists  no  reigning  theory of paranoia. In such a
55900	pre-consensus state, the field is open for contending theories.
56000		Previous  theories  have  contributed useful hypotheses.    I
56100	have incorporated some of them (e.g.  Tomkin's  hypothesis  regarding
56200	humiliation)  in  an  attempt  to  explain  paranoid  phenomena  in a
56300	different way, using an  interactive  simulation  model.     I  shall
56400	attempt   to   explain   sequences   of  paranoid  symbolic  behavior
56500	(conversational  interactions)  by  describing  in  some   detail   a
56600	simulation  of  paranoid  interview  behavior  ,  having  in  mind an
56700	audience of  clinicians,  behavioral  scientists  and  colleagues  in
56800	fields  of computer science, artificial intelligence, and philosophy.
56900	The simulation model proposed (first described in  Colby,  Weber  and
57000	Hilf,1971)  stands  as  a  putative  explanation having the merits of
57100	being more explicit, systematic, consistent  and  testable  than  the
57200	theories  described  above.        The  model  combines hypotheses of
57300	previous formulations with additional hypotheses and assumptions , in
57400	an attempt to present a coherent, unified explanation.
57500		Before  we embark on a description of the model, let us first
57600	consider what it means to offer an explanation.